In the post-Soviet space, attitudes towards the LGBTIQ+ community have become an indicator of the state of human rights in each country. War, authoritarianism, and democracy are the three political realities in which LGBTIQ+ people in Ukraine, Belarus and Estonia live. Their rights and security depend on the state course: in some countries, there is a struggle to legalize civil partnerships, while in others repressions exclude entirely the possibility for LGBTIQ+ people to exist in public space. Same-sex marriage has become not only a symbol of equal rights but also an indicator of how much the state protects its citizens.
How does the legal status of LGBTIQ+ people change depending on the political regime? Why has the institution of marriage become a key tool in the struggle for equal rights? This study looks at three countries with radically different approaches, their dynamics of change, and the consequences for millions of people.
Ukraine: LGBTIQ+ rights and the movement towards equality in the face of war
“We shouldn’t depend on luck when it comes to basic rights,” says Volodymyr, a Ukrainian activist who now lives with his partner in Cyprus. – “When the war started, many of our friends from the LGBTIQ+ community found themselves unable to visit their partner in hospital or even get information about his condition. It’s frightening.”
The war has exposed the legal vulnerability of LGBTIQ+ people: the lack of official recognition of same-sex unions prevents them from relying on fundamental rights available to heterosexual couples. Denial of information about a partner’s condition in the hospital, and inability to dispose of their property or organize funerals is a reality faced by thousands of Ukrainians.
Same-sex marriage: from a marginalized topic to a public necessity
Back in 2015, the Ukrainian government recognized the need to introduce the institution of civil partnerships. In 2021, a presidential decree provided for further work in this direction, and in 2023, Bill No. 9103 was registered to legalize civil partnerships for all couples. However, it faced serious opposition in parliament.
“I used to think marriage was something not for me,” says Volodymyr. – But when you face real obstacles, you realize how important it is. It’s not just symbolic, but also a legal protection. The ability to make medical decisions for your partner, access to inheritance, and the right to joint property. We shouldn’t have to ask for that – it should be the norm.”
Bill 9103: an attempt to legalize civil partnerships
The bill proposes to address many problems faced by LGBTIQ+ couples in Ukraine. Among the key provisions:
- Recognition of partners’ property as joint ownership;
- Introduction of the right of inheritance under the law;
- The ability to receive a pension and financial assistance in the event of the death of a partner;
- The right to identify the body and organize the funeral;
- Access to information about the whereabouts of the partner in case of disappearance;
- Familiarization with medical records and the ability to make decisions for the partner.
However, the bill has been blocked in parliament.
“We are not just talking about young LGBTIQ+ couples,” notes Volodymyr. – This law will also help, for example, older people who live together and want to legally protect each other but cannot enter into an official marriage. It’s about protecting all citizens, not just one group.”
Political and public resistance
Opponents of the bill use arguments about “traditional values” and mythical threats. However, the war has shown that human rights should be universal. Religious organizations and conservative politicians block the initiative, citing moral norms, but ignore the fact that European countries supporting Ukraine have long recognized the rights of LGBTIQ+ couples.
“In Armenia, where we lived before moving to Cyprus, the situation with LGBTIQ+ rights was much worse,” Volodymyr recalls. – There, the police staged raids and violence went unpunished. In Ukraine, the situation is better, but alas, not yet at the level where we feel completely safe.”
New strategy: draft law 2.0 and the search for compromise
Due to the blocking of the draft law No. 9103, work has begun on a new document that would take into account legal nuances. In addition, Ukraine is already taking steps to recognize same-sex unions concluded abroad. For example, foreign diplomats in partnerships receive the appropriate legal status in Ukraine. This shows that change is possible, but the process is too slow.
“My partner and I want to formalize our relationship, but we don’t know where yet,” says Volodymyr. Ideally, of course, we would like to do it in Ukraine. But if it does not adopt the relevant law, we will have to look for other options. Life doesn’t wait, and we can’t stay in limbo.”
The future of LGBTIQ+ rights in Ukraine
Despite pressure and numerous obstacles, LGBTIQ+ activists and their allies continue to fight for equality. Today, this is no longer a question of the distant future – it is an urgent necessity for thousands of Ukrainians who live in conditions of legal uncertainty and social vulnerability. More than 70% of Ukrainians support the protection of LGBTIQ+ rights, and this pressure on the authorities is becoming increasingly tangible.
Ukraine, striving for European integration, is obliged to reform its family legislation. The European Commission has made it clear: recognizing civil partnerships and prohibiting discrimination is not just a recommendation, but a condition for moving closer to the EU. In this context, the 13th session of the Parliament, which started on February 4, has become indicative: on the agenda are bills aimed at recognizing sexual orientation and gender identity as legally significant categories, as well as expanding the protection of the rights of all citizens.
Ukrainian legislation already contains more than 50 normative acts related to the protection of LGBTIQ+ communities, but they do not solve the main problems. Especially acute is the issue of legal recognition of family partnerships, primarily for military personnel, veterans, and combatants who risk their lives at the front, but do not have basic rights to their loved ones. Also on the agenda are changes to criminal law aimed at combating hate crimes that go unpunished.
These reforms are not just a legal technicality. It is a chance for thousands of people not to fear for their partners, not to face denial of medical information, not to lose property, and not to be left alone in the face of tragedy. This is not someone’s privilege, but a basic right to human dignity and protection. Ukraine is fighting for democracy and freedom, and that fight must include everyone. It is time to recognize that equality is not a requirement for tomorrow, but a duty that must be fulfilled today.
Belarus: Authoritarian control and repression of the LGBTIQ+ community
LGBTIQ+ rights under the pressure of a repressive regime
Belarus currently remains one of the most unfavorable countries in Europe for LGBTIQ+ people, ranking 44th in the ILGA-Europe ranking. State policy not only ignores the rights of the LGBTIQ+ community but actively combats its existence. Alexander Lukashenko’s authoritarian regime used discrimination against LGBTIQ+ people as a tool to consolidate its power, stigmatizing the community, suppressing any form of activism, and destroying human rights initiatives.
After the mass protests of 2020, repression against LGBTIQ+ activists intensified: state structures began to use public outings and humiliation of detainees in propaganda “penitential videos.” Pressure on the community became systemic, and human rights organizations were forced to stop working or move abroad.
The story of Aleh Razhkou, an expert on hate speech, and xenophobia and director of the organization “Journalists for Tolerance” (J4T), shows how difficult the existence of LGBTIQ+ people becomes under the Belarusian regime. Aleh and his partner currently reside in London, UK. They met and lived in Kyiv, but were on vacation when Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine began. This raised the question of where to live next for them.
“We immediately considered an LGBTQ-friendly country and city,” says Aleh. – We were lucky, unlike many other LGBTQ+ couples. We applied for a UK visa as a couple. Only my partner Andrey was eligible for this visa, as he is a citizen of Ukraine. I, on the other hand, with a Belarusian passport, was not. But since Great Britain recognizes same-sex partnerships, even if they are not registered, provided that the couple has been together for more than two years, I got a visa as his partner. This allowed me to stay in a safe country.”
This example shows the stark contrast between Belarus and democratic countries. Where LGBTIQ+ people receive protection and recognition, in Belarus they are forced to go into hiding and struggle for basic rights.
Repression, outing, and pressure on activists
The Belarusian government uses belonging to the LGBTIQ+ community as a compromise and a tool of intimidation. Aleh Razhkou confirms:
“This law gives a very large frame for manipulation to law enforcers. In fact, for any photo, for example, of my partner and me, where we are somehow interacting, you can get a criminal sentence – even for a publication in social networks made several years ago. This is a repressive tool and very dangerous. Unlike the law on ‘gay propaganda’ in Russia, where you just face a fine, here you can get a criminal case and go to jail for several years. It’s certainly dangerous.”
Using outings as a form of pressure on citizens has become part of the state strategy. In “repentance videos,” detainees are forced to confess not only their protest activities but also their sexual orientation. This is not enough for the authorities – personal photos and intimate details of life are made public, and people are forced to publicly denounce their “wrong” views.
Stigmatization policy: bans, censorship, and criminalization of LGBTIQ+ identity
In the Republic of Belarus, the constitution does not recognize same-sex marriage or any form of legal protection for LGBTIQ+ persons. Marriage is enshrined solely as the union of a man and a woman. Belarusian LGBTIQ+ citizens have no legal protection from discrimination. Although there is a provision in the country’s Criminal Code that could theoretically be applied for their protection, in practice this is not the case. According to paragraph 9, part 1, article 64 of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Belarus, an aggravating circumstance in sentencing is “committing a crime on the grounds of racial, national, religious enmity or discord, political or ideological enmity, as well as on the grounds of enmity or discord against any social group”. However, this paragraph has never been used to protect LGBTIQ+ people in Belarus’ judicial practice.
In February 2024, the Prosecutor General of Belarus announced the preparation of a law on administrative responsibility for “LGBT propaganda.” The authorities equated homosexuality with pedophilia and necrophilia, and in April 2024, amendments were adopted that effectively criminalize any manifestation of homosexuality in public places.
The Ministry of Information of Belarus is also actively engaged in a censorship campaign against LGBTIQ+ literature. In 2025, a list of 35 banned books was published, which contain “informational materials harmful to national interests”. These include works about gender identity, same-sex love, and books about women’s rights.
In addition to this, the propaganda media is engaged in an active campaign to discredit LGBTIQ+ people. According to monitoring conducted by the organization Journalists for Tolerance (J4T), in 2024, 84% of materials of the pro-governmental Belarusian media contained hate speech against LGBTIQ+ people. The authorities artificially shape the image of LGBTIQ+ people as a “threat” to the state order, opposing them to “traditional values”.
The future of LGBTIQ+ rights in Belarus: repression, emigration and struggle for survival
Under the conditions of strict authoritarian control, the LGBTIQ+ community in Belarus finds itself in a position where emigration becomes the only option for safety. However, even abroad, activists remain under pressure: fear of persecution, inability to return to their homeland, and repressive policies that destroy any human rights initiatives inside the country create conditions for forced isolation.
“There are no prospects for the LGBTIQ+ community in Belarus under the current government. Here we are not talking about recognizing partnerships or fighting for equal rights – we are talking about survival. The only possibility to change the situation is regime change, and this is a long and complicated process.”
Belarus remains one of the few countries in Europe where LGBTIQ+ people live in an atmosphere of total fear. Unlike Ukraine, where there is a discussion on the recognition of civil partnerships, or Estonia, where same-sex marriage has already been legalized, Belarus demonstrates the opposite process – increasing repression and criminalization of the very existence of LGBTIQ+ people.
Estonia: Recognizing same-sex marriage and integrating LGBTIQ+ rights into the democratic system
Estonia is ranked 21st in the ILGA-Europe ranking and is a leader in protecting LGBTIQ+ rights among former Soviet countries. In 2024, the country became the first among post-Soviet states to fully legalize same-sex marriage. This is a logical continuation of Estonia’s course of strengthening democracy, human rights protection, and European integration. Unlike Ukraine, where the struggle for civil partnerships is still ongoing, and Belarus, where LGBTIQ+ rights are effectively criminalized, in Estonia the issue was resolved at the legislative level without significant public resistance.
“When I was a teenager, I didn’t see openly gay people around me. LGBTIQ+ people simply didn’t exist in Russian-language media. The TV series Glee helped me – it showed me that there are such people, and I’m not alone,” recalls Mark, an openly gay man born in Tallinn. Unlike LGBTIQ+ people in Belarus or even Ukraine, Mark has not experienced physical violence or overt discrimination but notes that the difference between the Estonian-speaking and Russian-speaking populations in their treatment of LGBTIQ+ people is palpable.
“When I did the coming out in front of my classmates, they thanked me for trusting them. They had no rejection, only support. But it’s different in the Russian-speaking environment. The Soviet mentality is still strong there, and LGBTIQ+ people are viewed with suspicion.”
This difference is confirmed by research. In 2023, 64% of the Estonian-speaking population supported LGBTIQ+ rights, compared to only 39% of the Russian-speaking population. This is due to the influence of Russian propaganda, which for decades has shaped a negative image of LGBTIQ+ people.
Protecting against hate speech and strengthening anti-discrimination legislation
In 2024, Estonia passed a new hate speech prohibition law that significantly expanded the legal protections for LGBTIQ+ citizens. Under this law, public statements inciting hatred based on sexual orientation or gender identity are now prosecuted regardless of the consequences.
“It gives us a lot of confidence,” says Mark. – There used to be a feeling that you could be humiliated online or even on the street and no one would be held accountable for it. Now the situation has changed.”
With the passing of this law, Estonia has taken another step towards creating a safe space for all of its citizens. Unlike Belarus, where LGBTIQ+ people live in fear, and Ukraine, where the process of recognizing rights is just developing, in Estonia the issue is already practically resolved.
Same-sex marriage: political struggle and public perception
The road to legalizing same-sex marriage in Estonia has not been an easy one. Although the country legalized civil partnerships back in 2016, full-fledged marriages only became possible in 2024. Their recognition was made possible thanks to the political will of the ruling Reform Party and the active participation of LGBTIQ+ activists.
An important role in the process was played by a gay couple who had married abroad but could not have their marriage recognized in Estonia. The case sparked widespread public outcry and precipitated legislative changes.
“The Estonian government at that moment listened to the people. They realized that equal rights were not just a formality, but a matter of justice,” Mark notes.
Although opponents of the reforms tried to organize protests, there was no widespread public resistance. Most of the negative comments came from pro-Russian Russian-speaking groups in social networks, where one could find phrases such as: “They’d better fix the roads” or “The country is getting poorer, and they think about LGBTIQ+ people”. Otherwise, there was no sharp reaction. All of this seems to be the result of the long-term influence of Russian propaganda, which had been working in the region for 30 years before Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. This is why such rhetoric inspired by that propaganda still exists in the minds of a part of the Russian-speaking population with Estonian passports.
The future of LGBTIQ+ rights in Estonia
Since the legalization of marriage, the LGBTIQ+ community in Estonia has achieved almost full legal equality. Issues that still need to be addressed are the expansion of sexual orientation and gender identity education programs.
“My parents, like many, grew up in the Soviet Union, where this topic was taboo. It was difficult for them to accept my coming out, but over time they got over it. I think that in time society will change for the better,” says Mark.
Estonia has already become an example for other countries in the region. Its experience shows that democratic reforms, civil society support, and political will can lead to the recognition of LGBTIQ+ rights without serious social division. Unlike Ukraine, where the process is just beginning, and Belarus, where the situation is only getting worse, Estonia shows what the future can be like if a state truly strives for equality.
The institution of marriage is not only a legal formality, but also an indicator of the level of recognition of LGBTIQ+ people in society. In authoritarian countries such as Belarus, the prohibition of same-sex unions is used as a tool of state control, emphasizing the monopoly of the authorities to define the “norm”. In democratic countries, such as Estonia, the legalization of marriage demonstrates real equality and protection of all citizens regardless of their orientation. Ukraine, in between these two models, is still only moving towards recognizing civil partnerships but faces political and societal obstacles.
The three countries present completely different approaches to the issue of same-sex unions. In Belarus, the rights of LGBTIQ+ people are not only ignored but also purposefully suppressed. Here, even discussing the legalization of marriage is impossible, and any expression of identity can lead to repression. In Estonia, marriages are fully legalized and state policy is aimed at protecting human rights. LGBTIQ+ couples can officially register relationships, adopt children, and live without fear of persecution. In Ukraine, the fight for civil partnerships continues. Although the process is moving slowly, the war has made the issue urgent. The legalization of unions has become not only a matter of equality but also a vital necessity.
The prospects for the development of LGBTIQ+ rights in these countries are radically different. In Belarus, there are no prerequisites for change yet – Lukashenko’s regime continues to use discrimination against LGBTIQ+ people for political purposes. In Estonia, the process of integrating LGBTIQ+ people into the public and legal system has been completed, and the country can now serve as a model for other states in the region. In Ukraine, everything depends on the further course of European integration and public pressure.
However, one thing remains unchanged: LGBTIQ+ rights are not a matter of politics but of justice and security. States that truly protect their citizens will inevitably come to legalize equal rights. The only question is how quickly they are willing to do so.
Julia Golub, Gleb Veng
The publication was produced with support from n-ost and funded by the Foundation Remembrance, Responsibility and Future (EVZ) and the Federal Ministry of Finance (BMF).